Author Archive | Paul Opsommer

10th Amendment and illegal memorandums of understanding

State Rep. Paul Opsommer (R-DeWitt) announced today that with HJR YY and SJR Y not making it onto the ballot that he would be introducing a statutory version of the federalism bills as a backup to keep the issue moving.

“It is disappointing that we could not get this needed law onto the ballot, especially with what a bad year it has been for federal overreach,” said Opsommer. “But based on the events of this week it is now more clear than ever that the Legislature needs a better way to enforce the 10th Amendment.” Continue Reading →

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Regional Fed Bank Presidents Blocking Transparency

State Representative Paul Opsommer (R-DeWitt) criticized regional Fed bank presidents for their testimony on Capitol Hill yesterday, saying their efforts to block inquiry into Wall Street bailout details continue to stymie needed financial reforms.

“We continue to see strong bi-partisan efforts to audit the Fed at both the state and federal level that is being continually ignored,” said Opsommer. “In Michigan we continue to work on a variety of important budgetary issues that are being impacted by actions taking place at the federal level that we are not being allowed to inspect even after the fact.”

The Michigan budget continues to receive a higher proportion of its revenue from federal funds, yet the mindset that this is free-money is a myth that is coming home to roost in Michigan.

“The fiscal year 2001-2002 monies we received from the federal government represented 27.5 percent of our revenues,” said Opsommer. “That went over 30 percent in FY 2004-2004, over 35 percent in FY 2008-09, and with the latest figures coming in at 38 percent, I am concerned it won’t be too much longer until a full 40 percent of our revenue comes from the federal government. Pressure to continually match such money means that federal dollars are driving the Michigan budgetary process in a manner where Michigan priorities only receive whatever money is left over.”

Opsommer introduced HCR 36 in December of last year in an attempt to lend support to audit the Fed. The concurrent resolution is currently in the Banking committee.

“Unlike the federal government, we have to have a balanced budget,” said Opsommer. “As we work to craft budget solutions here we are increasingly handcuffed at the local level by federal policies that rely on the printing of money and the borrowing of foreign debt. More people need to wake up to the fact that the connection between what happens in Washington and what we can do in Lansing increases a little bit more everyday.”

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Unconstitutional on its Face

Considering all of the legal ambiguity over national healthcare, not only is such a legal challenge necessary, it was fully expected by even Congress’s most ardent supporters of national healthcare because they knew they were wading into unchartered constitutional waters from the moment they pressed the yes button. Congress may be able to tax and spend, but never before has the federal government been able to mandate that you, U.S. citizen, have to purchase a particular private good or service just because the federal government says so.

The provision is on its face unconstitutional, and it will take significant legal obfuscation to show otherwise because the simple fact is that nowhere in the Constitution is the federal Congress given such power, and the 9th and 10th Amendments clarify that the federal government may exercise only those powers granted to it by the states and the people. This is partly why car insurance laws come from the states and not the federal government, and why similar healthcare programs in Massachusetts did not violate federal law. The United States is not a “cookie-cutter country”, and it is ironic that some have criticized Cox’s lawsuit for blunting the potential number of “pilot projects” the federal government intends to test in the states when it is the federal government’s very own one size fits all approach that has trampled on those very efforts. The best way for the federal government to recognize that we do not live in a homogenous country (that is showing signs of stress under efforts to harmonize laws that lay outside of Congressional power) is to follow the tenets of federalism and let states operate in these areas on their own.

Some would advocate that in the interests of the ‘general welfare’ or ‘commerce’ that the Constitution can be interpreted as allowing this individual mandate. This is erroneous, as the general welfare clause is actually a limiting statement that does not give Congress any additional powers. And if the commerce clause can be interpreted so broadly as to allow Congress to mandate the purchase of health insurance against your will, it could also be used to mandate that you buy life insurance, a computer, or a burial plot. Such rationalization would lead to justification for the mandatory purchase of virtually anything. Congress may be able to regulate economic activity that occurs across state lines, but it cannot mandate that people must participate in such transactions.

The Supremacy Clause has also been cited as a reason to justify an individual mandate, but also misses the point. While a state cannot overturn a federal law that is clearly constitutional, this clause in no way means that any law passed by Congress is somehow automatically deemed constitutional and above reproach to the point it can not be challenged. If that was the case no federal law could ever be overturned, with such defacto thinking harkening back to Richard Nixon asserting that anything the President of the United States does is legal simply because it is the President who is doing it. We have checks and balances for a reason.

There are many valid policy issues that surround the national health care debate, but as Cox’s lawsuit shows, the U.S. Constitution is not merely an inconvenient document that can be pushed aside when it doesn’t mesh with one’s particular legislative agenda. In the case of national healthcare that relies on the unprecedented use of individual mandates, such court cases will be needed to avoid ambiguity over the legality of the governmental fines and punishments that will be imposed on those who refuse to buy health insurance. We will now see if the courts will have the courage to hear such a case, as no doubt there will be many interests waiting in the wings to see what other private goods and services the federal government can make you buy.

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Michigan: Joint Committee on Federalism

michigan_flagYesterday, I introduced HJR YY in Michigan along with several House colleagues, a joint resolution that would change the Michigan Constitution. Why is HJR YY so critically needed?

If enacted into law and formally approved by voters, HJR YY would create a Joint Federalism Commission within the legislative council, in essence forcing the creation of a bicameral and bipartisan commission charged with monitoring and reviewing federal laws and mandates to determine if they violate the Michigan Constitution or if they violate such areas as the 9th and 10th Amendments of the US Constitution.

The “why” behind HJR YY is two-fold:

Firstly, in cases where the Joint Federalism Commission determines a violation exists, the law will provide for an expedited process for the commission to then push appropriate legislation to the floor for voting by all members within 10 session days. In addition, any legislator who is able to successfully petition at least half of the members in their chamber can also force the Joint Federalism Commission to make a determination on an issue within 90 days. This is important, because although Michigan has a commission that is looking at the mandates it puts upon its cities, no such commission exists to examine the mandates the federal government is in turn placing upon us. Considering that it is the States who created the federal government and not the other way around there is no conceivable reason why such a commission should not exist. The states are not the counties of the federal government, even if they try to treat us as such.

The second “why” that makes this legislation necessary is because of the increasing role of so called “Memorandums of Understanding,” “Compacts,” and other agreements between Michigan and other governments, most notably at the federal level. Most voters are not aware of what a “Memorandum of Understanding” is, or that they can carry the formal force of law. In many cases such memorandums are created under dubious authority. In other cases, the legislature does vote to grant authority for a memorandum to be entered into, but then what the memorandum actually does often exceeds that authority, or delves into areas that are beyond the scope of the authorizing legislation. At this point however, it is very difficult for the legislature to act to change things. HJR YY will require that all such memorandums have their language first presented to the commission, which can then reject it before the state formally enters into a binding agreement.

While people correctly expect a high level of transparency in government, the increasing role of these formal and informal agreements between the state and the federal government are creating another level of government where increasingly important decisions are being made behind the scenes, largely out of view not only from the people but also the state legislature. Ensuring the state legislature is more involved will not only help from a transparency standpoint, it will make elected leaders more aware and accountable for the rules and agreements that unelected government employees are making outside of the normal legislative process. Taxpayers correctly want their state legislators to be able to handle the state level issues and problems that they voted them to Lansing for in the first place. The Michigan Legislature should not be content to continue to see so much of its rightful authority taken out of its hands.

CLICK HERE – for the Tenth Amendment Center’s 10th Amendment Bills tracking page

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