Tag Archives | Courts

Courts aren’t the final arbiter

Opponents of state sovereignty and the states’ power to nullify unconstitutional law argue that federal courts have held nullification unconstitutional.

Jillian Rayfield, in a brilliantly unbiased article *insert sarcastic tone* on TMPDC.com writes:

This “tenther” group touts state sovereignty and nullification — the idea that a state can override a federal law it deems unconstitutional (a notion that has been consistently rejected in federal courts). (Emphasis added)

But doesn’t it seem a little fox guarding the henhouseish to deem a branch of the federal government the final arbiter of what is or isn’t Constitutional? Can we really expect agents of the federal government to protect the states and the people from federal tyranny? Continue Reading →

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Disposing the Doctrine of Judicial Supremacy

In addition to Robert Nagel’s column on rejecting judicial remedies for our political disagreements (posted earlier on the Tenther blog), National Review Online has also treated us to two columns by Prof. Robert Lowry Clinton.

The first, “Judicial Supremacy and the Constitution,” disposes of the doctrine of judicial supremacy by looking at the Supreme Court’s place within the constitutional framework. One of his conclusions after this examination is below and is certainly a radical departure from accepted constitutional law:

“…judicial review is authorized in the Constitution, but only in a very restrictive form. It has nothing whatever to do with policymaking. Rather, constitutional judicial review is merely the power to disregard, or refuse to apply, a law that the court believes to be unconstitutional (not “pursuant” to the Constitution) when deciding a particular case. Strictly speaking, as Abraham Lincoln said of the notorious Dred Scott decision, the court’s decision applies only to the parties in that case — not to anyone else.”

http://article.nationalreview.com/433206/judicial-supremacy-and-the-constitution/robert-lowry-clinton

In his column titled “The Marbury Myth,” Prof. Clinton demolishes what remains of judicial supremacy by re-examining the famous case supposedly establishing this principle for all time, Marbury v. Madison. He says,

“Thus, Marbury-style judicial review is very limited in scope. It is restricted to cases in which Congress has unconstitutionally meddled with the Court’s functions. This is surely why the case was largely ignored by courts and legal commentators as a precedent for judicial review until the late 19th century. The Court itself didn’t notice that Marbury had anything to do with judicial review until 1887, and even then it misread the case as authorizing judicial review of state law — which Marbury had nothing to do with. It was not until 1895 that the Court first cited Marbury as a precedent for judicial review of national law, despite having invalidated some 20 congressional acts by that time. Stop and think for a moment about what this means: The case that is used as the leading precedent for modern judicial supremacy was not even regarded as an instance of judicial review until 92 years after it was decided!”

But just as interesting and important is why and how Marbury came to be regarded as establishing judicial supremacy. Prof. Clinton sheds much needed light on this in his column:

“The story of how this myth was created is an interesting one. The work began in the 1870s, when a group of influential lawyers representing business interests began shopping for a good precedent for judicial supremacy. The reason they needed a better precedent was that the true original precedent for judicial supremacy was also the Supreme Court’s most embarrassing decision — the Dred Scott opinion, which allowed the extension of slavery into the American territories in the 1850s and arguably led to the Civil War.

“This group of lawyers, in league with the captains of industry, opposed government regulation of economic activity. Since the state legislatures and Congress were passing regulations designed to mitigate the worst effects of the Industrial Revolution, the lawyers and their clients sought to employ the federal courts in an effort to counter the regulations. The problem was that the courts had never exercised such power, and the constitutional basis for it was doubtful at best. So the only way to get the job done was to find a precedent for judicial supremacy. But Marbury was too tame and Dred Scott was too notorious. The only thing left was to reinvent Marbury, reinterpreting its language to make it seem like an exercise in judicial supremacy.”

http://article.nationalreview.com/433347/the-imarburyi-myth/robert-lowry-clinton

The federal courts have been joy-riding, carefree, in the sports car of constitutional authority, as though it belonged exclusively to them; it is high time the “grown-ups” (elected officials of the other branches and levels of government, and the common citizen) took the keys back from them and taught them some responsibility and humility.

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Judge Favors Constitution on NSA Wiretaps

Not a common thing these days, but a Federal judge ruled against the federal government on NSA wiretaps. From The New York Times:

WASHINGTON – A federal judge ruled Wednesday that the National Security Agency’s program of surveillance without warrants was illegal, rejecting the Obama administration’s effort to keep shrouded in secrecy one of the most disputed counterterrorism policies of former President George W. Bush….

The ruling by Judge Walker, the chief judge of the Federal District Court in San Francisco, rejected the Justice Department’s claim – first asserted by the Bush administration and continued under President Obama – that the charity’s lawsuit should be dismissed without a ruling on the merits because allowing it to go forward could reveal state secrets….

click here to read the rest of the article

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The Supremacy Clause Vs. the 10th Amendment: Who Has the Power?

The feds do, according to an article at Nolan Chart on Monday, which specifically takes issue with the idea that nullification is a power left to the states by virtue of its having never been surrendered:

In order to advocate their belief nullification or Tenth Amendment advocates ignore the specific language of the Constitution prohibiting such state power. This specific language is contained in clauses two and three of Article VI of the Constitution sometimes referred to as the supremacy clause. Clause two mandates “the Constitution and laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof…shall be the supreme law of the land the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding.” …Thus, any action by any state official to act in contrary of the Constitution, including the supremacy clause, is clearly unconstitutional.

Naturally, nullification proponents attempt to exploit the constitutional phrase, “made in pursuance thereof” asserting the laws, acts and rulings in question are not made “in pursuance” of the Constitution. Therefore, they assert, the state has the right to nullify such laws, acts or rulings as they are not made “in pursuance” of the Constitution. The problem with this argument is the Constitution does not assign the states the authority to decide what is “made in pursuance” of the Constitution. Instead, the Constitution assigns this authority to the federal courts under of Article III… Thus, the Constitution delegates the power to decide if something is constitutional or not to branches of the federal government and denied to the states.

We are used to seeing this from statists on the right and the left; in fact, it is pretty much the consensus position of the Supreme Court. But the author claims to be a libertarian, which kind of boggles the mind.

So, is his analysis correct?

Let’s ask Thomas Jefferson, the founding generation’s resident expert on natural law:

[T]he government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress.

Game. Set. Match.

Who says logic is a dead art?

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